DESCRIPTION: Edited by Stephen J. Across nine studies using diverse sample populations executives in high-power positions, recent graduates of a top MBA program, undergraduate students, and online panels of working adults and over 4, participants, we find that, compared to men, women have a higher number of life goals, place less importance on power-related goals, associate more negative outcomes e. Women view high-level positions as equally attainable as men do, but less desirable.Damn Daniel: That italian guy is hot and cute
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Edited by Stephen J. Across nine studies using diverse sample populations executives in high-power positions, recent graduates of a top MBA program, undergraduate students, and online panels of working adults and over 4, participants, we find that, compared to men, women have a higher number of life goals, place less importance on power-related goals, associate more negative outcomes e. Women view high-level positions as equally attainable as men do, but less desirable.
Our findings advance the science of gender, goals, organizational behavior, and decision making. Women are underrepresented in most high-level positions in organizations. Though a great deal of research has provided evidence that bias and discrimination give rise to and perpetuate this gender disparity, in the current research we explore another explanation: In studies 1 and 2, when asked to list their core goals
Men Categorize Women In One Of Four Ways life, women listed more life goals overall than men, and a smaller proportion of their goals related to achieving power at work.
In studies 3 and 4, compared to men, women viewed high-level positions as less desirable yet equally attainable. In studies 5—7, when faced with the possibility of
Men Categorize Women In One Of Four Ways a promotion at their current place of employment or obtaining a high-power position after graduating from college, women and men Men Categorize Women In One Of Four Ways similar levels of positive outcomes e.
In these studies, women associated high-level positions with conflict, which explained the relationship between gender and the desirability of professional advancement. Finally, in studies 8 and 9, men and women alike rated power as one of the main consequences of professional advancement. Our findings reveal that men and women have different perceptions of what the experience of holding a high-level position will be like, with meaningful implications for the perpetuation of the gender disparity that exists at the top of organizational hierarchies.
Even in societies that stress the importance of gender equality, women are underrepresented in most senior-level positions 1. Moreover, it seems that the small percentage of women who do attain executive positions are relegated to spheres within the organization that have less influence and fewer opportunities for professional advancement 5.
These differences may not exist at the start of the employment relationship. In fact, recent evidence has found that female applicants were favored over male ones for positions as assistant professors in science 6. Many reasons exist for the gender imbalance in high-level positions.
These reasons can be grouped into two broad categories. The first category is what sociologists refer to as Men Categorize Women In One Of Four Ways factors and psychologists call interpersonal effects. These Men Categorize Women In One Of Four Ways encompass the institutional barriers that women face because of the divergent ways in which men and women are perceived and treated by others.
Interestingly, gender-based biases and discrimination seem to be perpetuated by men and women alike 16 The second category is what sociologists refer to as supply-side factors and psychologists call intrapersonal effects.
In contrast to demand-side factors, which are part of the environment the individual interacts with, supply-side factors are differences in the perceptions held, decisions made, or behaviors enacted by men and women themselves that contribute to gendered outcomes. In this paper, we examine a supply-side factor that has received little research attention: The goals people set for themselves are a powerful motivator of their current behavior The images people hold
Men Categorize Women In One Of Four Ways the future are affected by sociocultural factors e.
Although women are still interested in pursuing goals related to having strong relationships, Men Categorize Women In One Of Four Ways, and family, they are also increasingly interested in being professionally employed and having a career. As a result, we hypothesize that women are likely to have more life goals than men, reflecting a greater diversity of preferences for what they hope to accomplish in the future.
Previous research provides some evidence that men are more likely to strive for power in the workplace than are women. Men tend to pay more attention to power cues 29 and to be more motivated by power—the desire for the means to influence other people 30 —which has been shown to play a role in producing gender differences in leadership role occupancy In contrast, women tend to be more motivated by affiliation—the desire for warm, close relationships with others These differing views seem to cause differences in how men and women allocate their time and attention Finally, we expect that women associate power-related goals e.
Compared to women, men perceive a longer time frame for achieving their main life goals By perceiving a subjectively shorter time frame within which they must attain their goals and by having a greater diversity of goals, women are likely to experience more conflict among their goals.
When one of their goals salient and its attainability is close e. As a result, compared to men, we expect women to view a high-level position as less desirable, even if it seems equally attainable.
To shed light on these hypotheses, we conducted nine studies that use a variety of methods and sample populations. Our first hypotheses are that i women have more life goals than men do overall and ii a smaller percentage of those goals are related to power. To test these in studies 1 and 2 we asked participants to list their core life goals.
Examples of such goals are: We asked participants to list anywhere from 1 to 25 goals in the order in which they came to mind within two minutes. We found no gender differences among the other goal dimensions: In study 2, we provide a conceptual replication of study 1 and also address a potential confound: We asked adults from an online panel of employed individuals provided by ClearVoice to complete a short survey. Participants listed their core goals this time, up to 20 of them and then categorized them, using the same categories as in study 1.
After listing their goals, to test the alternative explanation about level of effort in the study, we asked participants to list their favorite foods under the same two minute time limit. We found no gender differences among the other goal dimensions.
We predicted that having more goals overall and a small percentage of them related to power would lead women to see opportunities for professional advancement as less desirable than men do, but equally attainable. We test these predictions in studies 3 and 4. Six hundred thirty-five of them replied. Participants were shown a ladder with rungs numbered from 1 to 10 and told to imagine it represented the hierarchy of professional advancement in their current professional industry.
We asked them to think about their career and to indicate three different positions i. In studies 5—7, we explore why women see professional advancement as less desirable by asking people to rate the likelihood of experiencing positive outcomes e. In study 5, we asked working adults from an online database to imagine being promoted to a higher-level position in their current organization. Participants were told that as a result of this promotion, their level of power over others would increase substantially.
Participants predicted the extent to which they would experience nine different outcomes if they received the promotion on a point scale. Some outcomes were positive satisfaction or happiness, opportunity, money, status, or influence whereas others were negative stress or anxiety, difficult tradeoffs or sacrifice, time constraints, burden of responsibility, or conflict with other life goals. Participants also indicated how desirable the promotion would be to them and their likelihood of pursuing the promotion on 7-point scales.
Ratings of desirability of receiving a promotion or obtaining a high-power position by gender in studies 5—7. Error bars represent SEs. We also found that the negative outcomes expected by women explained i women's perception of the promotion as less desirable and ii their reduced likelihood of pursuing the promotion.
In Men Categorize Women In One Of Four Ways 6, we tested the same relationships in a sample of executives who were likely to already occupy positions of power and had displayed an interest in furthering their careers by enrolling in executive education courses focused on leadership, decision making, and negotiation at a top US business school.
Two Men Categorize Women In One Of Four Ways and four executives completed the same scenario and measures as in study 5 as part of their required coursework. Also, as in study 5, we found that the negative outcomes women believed they would experience after achieving a higher-level position explained their perception of the promotion as less desirable and their reduced likelihood of pursuing the promotion.
In study 7, we slightly modified the design of study 6 to examine whether the results held in a sample of undergraduates at a top US university. Similar to the executive sample, these individuals were likely to be interested in professional advancement based on the prestigious academic environment they had elected to be a part of; however, in contrast to the executive sample, these participants had not yet entered the professional workforce.
We asked undergraduate students to imagine that upon graduation they were presented with a high-power job opportunity. We asked them to describe the high-power job they were imagining and then list the outcomes or feelings they would associate with occupying such a position. Participants could list anywhere from 1 to 15 items.
Participants also indicated how desirable the position would be to them, their likelihood of pursuing the position if it required extra effort, and their likelihood of pursuing the position if it did not require any extra effort on 7-point scales.
Next, we presented participants with the outcomes they anticipated experiencing with the high-power job and asked them to categorize these outcomes as positive, neutral, or negative. As depicted in Fig. In studies 5—7, the potential promotion or high-level position was described as being high in power. In studies 8 and 9, we manipulated the description of the high-level position to examine whether the effects in our previous studies hinged upon the emphasis placed on power. In study 8, online participants were asked to imagine the possibility of being promoted to a higher-level position in their current organization, similar to 5 and 6.
Unlike in previous studies, participants were randomly assigned to one of two promotion description conditions: We then asked participants to indicate the extent to which they thought such a promotion would conflict with their other life goals and to what extent it would require them to make tradeoffs and sacrifices on 7-point scales.
The promotion description manipulation promotion with power vs. Additionally, more female than male participants [ We predicted that the Men Categorize Women In One Of Four Ways women expect to experience in a position of high power explains their lower ratings of promotion desirability. Thus, we conducted regression analyses with desirability of the promotion as the dependent measure, expected conflict with other goals as the potential mediator, and the promotion description manipulation as the control variable.
The words participants associated with having power at work were coded by four gender-blind coders, two female and two male. In study 9, we sought to replicate the results of study 8 in a sample of executives, and we added an experimental condition that completely removed all explicit emphasis on power as a necessary outcome of professional advancement.
We collected data from executives enrolled in executive education courses focused on influence, decision making, and negotiation at a top US business school. We assigned participants to one of three promotion description conditions: The prompts for the first two conditions were the same as in study 8. In the basic promotion condition, an increase in power was not mentioned as a result of the promotion.
Participants were then presented with the same nine outcomes as in studies 5—7 and asked to report how much they expected to experience each of them if they received the promotion. They also indicated the desirability of the promotion and their likelihood of pursuing it.
Similar to the findings of the previous study, the promotion description did not affect the results. The results of 2 men vs. Across our analyses, the only significant effects were main effects of gender on our dependent measures.
Table 1 reports the means and SDs of the main variables we measured by gender across conditions. Means Men Categorize Women In One Of Four Ways SDs of the main variables measured in study 9 by gender across conditions. Taken together, the results of studies 8 and 9 replicate the results of studies 5—7 and suggest that our findings are not contingent on the emphasis placed on power as a corollary of professional advancement.
In light of previous research showing differences in power orientation between men and women, it is unlikely that these results mean that power does not play an important role in the gender differences we observe.
Rather, we suspect that people automatically associate professional advancement with an increase in power,
Men Categorize Women In One Of Four Ways reinforcing this association is merely redundant, yielding no additional effect. Across nine studies using diverse sample populations executives in high-power positions, graduates of a top MBA program, undergraduate students, and online panels of working adults and over 4, participants, we find that, compared to men, women have a higher number Men Categorize Women In One Of Four Ways life goals, place less importance on power-related goals, associate more negative outcomes e.
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Men Categorize Women In One Of Four Waysby gender across conditions. They also indicated the desirability of the promotion and their likelihood of pursuing it. For each participant, we computed the proportion of outcomes expected with the promotion of each type positive, neutral, or negative by summing the number of outcomes listed within each type and dividing by the total number of outcomes listed. Additionally, more female than male participants [
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